JOVANA
Library Glossary Getting Started Three Levels Fields How it works Mission
Join the mission
Back to the library
經濟學 1945

知識在社會中的運用

弗里德里希·海耶克

知識散落於千百萬人之手;價格,就是那悄然將他們協調起來的訊號。

Choose your version
In depth · the introduction

沒有任何一個人,懂得足以去經營一整個經濟體——那麼,一座滿是陌生人的城市,又是如何在無人統籌的情況下,日復一日地把自己餵飽、穿暖的呢?

核心想法

海耶克從一個看似簡單的論點出發:一個經濟體所需要的知識,從來不在一個地方。它以細碎的片段,散落在千百萬人的腦袋裡——這家店進貨過多了、那個工人這週有空、那邊的路剛剛被淹了。任何計劃者,無論多麼聰明,都不可能把它們盡數收攏起來,因為其中許多都轉瞬即逝,從未被寫下。

那麼,事情究竟是如何被協調起來的呢?靠價格。當某樣東西變得稀缺時,它的價格便上漲——而這一個數字,悄然告訴每一個用它的人去少用一些,告訴每一個能多造的人去多造一些。他們無需知道它為什麼變稀缺了。價格已經替他們把這事想明白了,把一座大山般的、遙遠的事實,壓進了一個他們據以行動的單一數字裡。

它是如何誕生的

弗里德里希·海耶克是一位奧地利經濟學家,當時落腳於倫敦政治經濟學院。他寫作於 1945 年,正值一場部分是在計劃經濟與市場經濟之間打響的戰爭行將結束之際,也正處在一場漫長而激烈的爭論之中——爭論的是:一個政府,能否像一家公司安排自己的生產那樣,簡簡單單地去「計劃」一個經濟體。

他的論敵——比如奧斯卡·蘭格(Oskar Lange)那樣的經濟學家——說能:一個計劃委員會可以定下價格,盯著哪裡冒出了短缺,再去調整,靠試錯來模擬一個市場。海耶克的回答是,他們誤解了這個問題。難的並不是配置上的那點算術;難的是,那些關鍵的知識,是地方性的、私人的、易逝的。等到它被收攏進一份中央報告裡時,它早已陳舊、或乾脆不在了。這一洞見,便是整篇文章的所在。

它為何重要

海耶克重新界定了市場的用途。市場不只是一個討價還價的地方——它是一台龐大的、去中心化的機器,專門用來處理那些沒有任何單一心智所能容納的資訊。這個想法,重塑了經濟學家對價格、對計劃、以及對中央計劃經濟為何總是撞上短缺的思考。但海耶克所做的,是一個審慎的論點,而非一句口號:唯有競爭真實、價格可以自由變動時,價格才協調得好,而他也知道價格會失靈。況且他本人是一位堅定的自由市場自由主義者,所以這篇文章既是一項真正的發現,也是一場論爭中的一個立場——值得當作兩者來讀。

一個可以想像的畫面

把一樣東西的價格,想像成一個千百萬人都能看見的旋鈕。在某處,一座錫礦被淹了——這件事幾乎沒人聽說。可錫的價格卻往上跳了一格。另一個國家的一家罐頭廠,對那場水災一無所知,卻看見自己的成本漲了,於是改用鋁。一個玩具商悄悄重新設計,好少用些錫。每個人都只對那個旋鈕做出反應,可合起來,他們卻把那稀缺的錫,配給得分毫不差——彷彿有一隻無所不知的手在引導,而實情是,沒有誰知道得有多少。

一張錫的可互動供求圖:一根滑桿用來掛出價格,並顯示買方想要的是多於賣方供給(短缺)還是少於(過剩);另一根滑桿關掉一座礦場,使供給移動、抬高使市場出清的價格,於是買方在沒人告訴他們緣由的情況下開始節省。

它的位置

亞當·斯密(本圖書館亦有收錄)曾描述過一隻「看不見的手」,它把私人的獲利化作公眾的福祉。海耶克則講清了那隻手內部的一個齒輪:資訊。如果說凱因斯追問的是市場何時無法讓人人就業,那麼海耶克追問的,則是市場把什麼做得出神入化——處理知識。再後來,喬治·阿克洛夫的「檸檬市場」(本館同樣收錄)揭示了它的反面:當買賣雙方所知不同時,價格會載著錯誤的訊號,市場便可能崩壞。它們合在一起,標繪出了「讓價格說話」的力量與它的邊界。

The original document
Original source text

一 — 我們要解決的是什麼問題?

F. A. Hayek · The Use of Knowledge in Society · American Economic Review 35(4): 519–530 · September 1945 · §I
What is the problem we wish to solve when we try to construct a rational economic order? On certain familiar assumptions the answer is simple enough. If we possess all the relevant information, if we can start out from a given system of preferences, and if we command complete knowledge of available means, the problem which remains is purely one of logic.
The conditions which the solution of this optimum problem must satisfy have been fully worked out and can be stated best in mathematical form: put at their briefest, they are that the marginal rates of substitution between any two commodities or factors must be the same in all their different uses.
[ … ]
It is rather a problem of how to secure the best use of resources known to any of the members of society, for ends whose relative importance only these individuals know.
Or, to put it briefly, it is a problem of the utilization of knowledge which is not given to anyone in its totality.

二 — 關於時間與地點的知識

§II — The knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place
Today it is almost heresy to suggest that scientific knowledge is not the sum of all knowledge. But a little reflection will show that there is beyond question a body of very important but unorganized knowledge: the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place.
It is with respect to this that practically every individual has some advantage over all others in that he possesses unique information of which beneficial use might be made, but of which use can be made only if the decisions depending on it are left to him or are made with his active cooperation.

四–五 — 作為通訊系統的價格體系

§IV–V — Decentralization and the price system
We must look at the price system as such a mechanism for communicating information if we want to understand its real function — a function which, of course, it fulfils less perfectly as prices grow more rigid.
The most significant fact about this system is the economy of knowledge with which it operates, or how little the individual participants need to know in order to be able to take the right action.
The whole acts as one market, not because any of its members survey the whole field, but because their limited individual fields of vision sufficiently overlap so that through many intermediaries the relevant information is communicated to all.

五 — 錫的例子

§V — The marvel of the price mechanism
Assume that somewhere in the world a new opportunity for the use of some raw material, say, tin, has arisen, or that one of the sources of supply of tin has been eliminated. It does not matter for our purpose — and it is very significant that it does not matter — which of these two causes has made tin more scarce.
All that the users of tin need to know is that some of the tin they used to consume is now more profitably employed elsewhere and that, in consequence, they must economize tin.
The marvel is that in a case like that of a scarcity of one raw material, without an order being issued, without more than perhaps a handful of people knowing the cause, tens of thousands of people whose identity could not be ascertained by months of investigation, are made to use the material or its products more sparingly; i.e., they move in the right direction.
I have deliberately used the word “marvel” to shock the reader out of the complacency with which we often take the working of this mechanism for granted. I am convinced that if it were the result of deliberate human design, and if the people guided by the price changes understood that their decisions have significance far beyond their immediate aim, this mechanism would have been acclaimed as one of the greatest triumphs of the human mind.
F. A. Hayek · The American Economic Review · September 1945